A twice-failed candidate for Georgia governor found himself in an uncomfortable position — face-to-face with a mom furious with what he was trying to do this month with her teenage daughter.
Legal experts say what happened does not appear to be a crime, but the incident once again raises questions about actions involving Ray McBerry.
McBerry is a former high school teacher who now owns a cable TV station in Henry County. Several years ago his teaching license was suspended after he apologized for his behavior with a 16-year-old girl. But he sees nothing wrong with what happened with 18-year-old Kayla Gooch.
The 46-year-old McBerry has faced angry parents before. In 2010, during his second failed attempt at winning the Republican nomination for Governor, a woman came forward accusing McBerry of having sex with her when she was 16 and he was a high school teacher. The Georgia Professional Standards investigative summary shows no allegations of sex at the time, but kissing and fondling. McBerry admitted only hugging… but also to giving the girl a cell phone and meeting her on a dirt road after her parents told him to stay away.
During the campaign, McBerry said “they were nothing more than family friends… people we went to church with… we were in their home… they were in our home.. there was no improper relationship between me and the young lady.”
His teaching license was suspended and records show he never taught in a public school again. After the news broke, fellow gubernatorial candidate Karen Handel refused to share the stage with McBerry.
Four years later, McBerry is asking an 18-year-old girl to put on a bikini and take pictures with him at a state park. She asks if it’s OK to bring someone along. Instead, he writes:
“I’ve never had anyone bring someone to a shoot before or be uncomfortable shooting with me.”
Michelle Nunn can come across as a “lightweight,” “too liberal,” not a “real Georgian.” While she served as CEO for the Points of Light Foundation, the organization gave grants to “inmates” and “terrorists.” And her Senate campaign must feature images of her and her family “in rural settings with rural-oriented imagery” because the Atlanta-based candidate will struggle to connect with rural voters.
These may sound like attacks from the Senate candidate’s Republican rival, but in fact, those are a few of the concerns expressed in her own campaign plan, which sources say was posted online briefly in December and appears to have been drafted earlier that month. Drawing on the insights of Democratic pollsters, strategists, fundraisers, and consultants, the document contains a series of memos addressed to Nunn and her senior advisers.
From all appearances, the document was intended to remain confidential. It outlines the challenges inherent in getting Nunn, who grew up mostly in Bethesda, Md., elected to the Senate in a state with a large rural population. Her father, Sam Nunn, was elected to the Senate when she was six, and Michelle Nunn attended Washington’s prestigious National Cathedral School and then the University of Virginia and Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government before returning to Georgia to do nonprofit work and, now, to seek higher office.
The documents reveal the campaign’s most sensitive calculations. Much of the strategizing in the Georgia contest, as is typical in southern politics, revolves around race. But the Nunn memos are incredibly unguarded. One is from Diane Feldman, a Democratic pollster and strategist who counts among her clients Minnesota senator Al Franken, South Carolina representative James Clyburn, and former Los Angeles mayor Antonio Villaraigosa. Feldman, who did not return calls seeking comment, is frank in her characterization of the demographic groups — Jews, Asians, African Americans, Latinos, and gays — that are essential to a Democratic victory. The Nunn campaign declined to comment about the document on the record.
The campaign’s finance plan draws attention to the “tremendous financial opportunity” in the Jewish community and identifies Jews as key fundraisers. It notes, however, that “Michelle’s position on Israel will largely determine the level of support here.” That’s a position she has yet to articulate — her message on the subject is marked “TBD” in the document — and Israel goes unmentioned on her campaign website.
1. Nunn faces problems connecting with rural voters and should appeal to them by pretending to be more like them than the cosmpolitan DC-Atlanta hybrid she really is.
2. Gays and Asians have money and that’s what they’re good for to the Nunn campaign.
3. African-Americans and Hispanics have votes and she wants those too.
4. They expect the media to treat her better than she deserves because she’s a Democrat.
5. Points of Light, under her leadership, processed $33,000 in donations for a group linked to Hamas, an international terrorist group.
6. Jews have money too, and she wants that, though she doesn’t know what she thinks about Israel.
7. The magic number of white votes she needs is about 30% – Max Cleland took 30% when he lost in 2002, but greater numbers of African-American and Hispanic votes can get her over the top. Other Democratic statewide candidates have gotten around 24-26% of white votes.
The documents warn of weak spots stemming from Nunn’s role as CEO of a nonprofit foundation. They reveal the campaign’s clinic[al] assessment of how it must mobilize traditional liberal constituencies, like African-Americans, Jews and Asians. And they expose the campaign’s plan to sell Nunn with “rural” imagery that might soften up Georgia voters skeptical of a candidate reared partly in the suburbs of Washington, where her father served as a Georgia senator.
Beyond the potentially damaging aspects, the memos offer a rare, unvarnished glimpse into the mechanics of running a campaign. They cover everything from scrubbing a voter file to modeling turnout (1.4 million votes is Nunn’s magic number, according to a memo from Democratic strategist Diane Feldman). The documents map the architecture of Nunn’s outreach machine and detail which constituencies to target. Much of the information will reinforce negative impressions of how campaigns work, including suggestions for how to drive a message week-by-week and the ways it can whack Republican opponents.
The mechanics of the campaign being leaked aren’t particularly damaging – the recipe to the secret sauce is not really secret, and besides, no plan stays static in a major campaign. It’s the pragmatic way in which groups of people are analyzed for what Michelle Nunn can get out of them that’s problematic for her. From TheHill.com.
Republicans called such a campaign leak unprecedented.
“Never before has a Senate campaign openly admitted that its number one objective is to deceive voters and hide a candidate’s true beliefs from public view,” National Republican Senatorial Committee political director Ward Baker said in a statement. “The hundred plus pages of Michelle Nunn’s campaign plan reveals a deliberate effort to manipulate Georgia voters and hide the fact that Nunn’s campaign is a proxy for the agenda of Barack Obama and Harry Reid. The entire Nunn plan is dirty, offensive, and emblematic of why voters are so disenchanted with politics.”
In short, the memos are a classic example of what is known in Washington as a Kinsley gaffe: when a politician errs by accidentally revealing the truth. (The phenomenon is named after the journalist Michael Kinsley, who coined the phenomenon.) The existence of the memos is not a surprise; any campaign worth its salt undertakes a study of its perceived weaknesses. The Nunn memos are remarkable less for their judgments than for the fact that a hapless adviser apparently posted them on the Internet.
“Currently, there are no plans to vet donors to the campaign”
Nunn announced this month she would return money donated to her by Virtual Murrell, who was convicted of bribery in 1995 and reportedly had ties to the Blank Panther Party. Her campaign said she was unaware of his background when he co-hosted a Capitol Hill fundraiser for her.
Back in December, a document explaining the research department’s role said it would “vet individuals with whom the campaign associates — most frequently for events and site visits.”
“This vet includes a check for criminal records, ‘bad news’ stories, and inflammatory statements that could reflect poorly on the campaign,” one of the memos said. “Currently, there are no plans to vet donors to the campaign.”
I’m calling this guy Ed, but you can call him whatever you want if you decide you’re his next forever home.
Here’s his story, from a GaPundit reader:
Today, a stray, emaciated dog was wandering my neighborhood. With the help of a few neighbors, one of the neighbors was able to coax him into her car. It took about 2 hours this morning and quite a few people in the neighborhood stopped and offered help. Once he was in the car, a volunteer from Orphan Annie Rescue went along with one of the neighbors to the vet the volunteer works at.
The poor senior guy is about 10 years old and has had a rough go at it. He has a skin condition which the vet believes is treatable and caused by an allergy to fleas. He also has a large wart that is swollen to about the size of a lacrosse ball on his neck that needs to be removed.
He is currently being cared for at Dunwoody Animal Medical Center, by Dr C.L. Johnson (who happens to be a native of Athens). Although he will some inexpensive treatment for his skin condition and surgery to remove the wart, he is otherwise pretty healthy and is heartworm negative. At 10 years old, he does have some arthritis and moves a bit slow. What he needs is a loving place to spend the remainder of his years.
He will be at Dunwoody Animal Medical Center until a foster is located and currently a neighbor and myself are incurring the costs. If anyone is able to help provide funds so that he may go ahead and have the surgery to remove the wart and be neutered, please call Dunwoody Animal Medical Center directly to donate (770-698-9227). If anyone is interested in fostering or adopting, please provide my email or Erica at [email protected]
So here’s what I’m asking – two things. First, if you’re inclined to donate toward Ed’s care, call Dunwoody Animal Medical Center directly to donate (770-698-9227) to make a credit card donation by phone or drop a check by or mail a check to Dunwoody Animal Medical Center, 2458 Jett Ferry Rd, Dunwoody, GA 30338. Put “For stray senior dog” in the memo line and I’ll touch base with them to make sure the money is applied correctly.
Second, consider fostering or adopting him, then you can name him whatever you want. Senior dogs are great because they’re usually calm, but playful and affectionate. You may not have as long with him as you would a puppy, but you’ll treasure every moment.
The shelter director confirmed 22 dogs and a cat were euthanized last Thursday. He said he was not informed rescue groups planned to save seven of them.
“They need to contact us way beforehand in order to get these animals out of here, and we will provide the appropriate information for them to be removed,” said Capt. Andre Jackson, the shelter director.
Partners for Pets had posted pictures of the animals it planned to rescue on its website.
“I can understand sometimes you have to put down an aggressive dog,” said Maria Dorough. “But these dogs were not aggressive. They had a place to go and there was no warning.”
The liaison with rescue groups, Diana Moore, resigned on Monday. She confirmed several animals slated for rescue were put down and told CBS46 News the shelter was restricting her time at the shelter.
This evening I received the following email:
MONDAY JULY 28: Clayton County Animal Control is a high kill “shelter” run by the police in Jonesboro GA. The captain in charge retired last month and his replacement has thrown out the volunteer group, the Partners, which over several years had saved thousands of dogs lives and slashed the kill rate, which had been 85%. This group saved Clayton County tens of thousands of dollars in fees the vet would have charged to euthanize. That highly effective group was replaced by one volunteer who has just resigned due to the excessive restrictions placed on her by the police.
Volunteers had been able to take photos of the dogs to post on Facebook (Partners with Clayton County Animal Control). Now only Animal Control staff can take pics. You need an escort to go back where the kennels are — even to go to the restroom. And you cannot take a cell phone or purse with you. Licensed rescue groups and transporters need a police background check. These are proven people who had established track records. Never needed it before.
Wednesday July 23 rescuers were told that that AC would be closed on Thursday for maintenance and to pick up dogs on Friday. Friday they were told that 22 dogs and 1 cat had been euthanized the day before, including 7 that had confirmed rescues.
Today, July 28, fifteen outdoor kennels which the Partners had donated to CCAC were taken down — 15 fewer kennels to hold dogs.
County Commission Chairman Jeff Turner, Police Chief Greg Porter, Capt Andre Jackson (who runs AC) have all stated publicly that they want to have a no kill shelter. What a way to start!
Please help us! Whether you have ever rescued a dog from Clayton County AC, we need your help! Email the officials listed below to protest this cruel and inhumane treatment of defenseless companion animals.
Board of Commissioners
Chairman: Jeffrey E. Turner
Phone: (770) 477-3208
Fax: (770) 477-3217
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
Georgia at first rejected the 14th Amendment in 1866, later ratifying it on July 21, 1868 as a condition for readmission.
On July 28, 1978, Animal House was released, instantly becoming one of the greatest films of all time. In case you’ve never seen the film, there is some adult language in the following clip. +1 for Otter’s plaid sportcoat.
The main reasons that coal continues to be used in Georgia is that it’s cheap, plentiful, and provides reliable energy. The Department of Irony came into the picture last week, when EPA announced that the location for the hearing was being changed due to… wait for it…. a power outage in the Sam Nunn federal building in downtown Atlanta.
The culprit in the power outage is apparently the federal government’s ability to maintain a stable electrical system in a single building that it owns and controls 100 percent. And they want to tell us how to run Georgia’s electrical system?
The electrical problem is in a “buss duct” that serves as a conduit to the building’s electrical system, according to Saudia Muwwakkil, regional public relations officer for the GSA.
“Therefore, the chiller plant and a large portion of the building’s electrical grid were rendered inoperable,” she said.
“GSA has embarked in a two-part recovery that involves repairing the damaged buss duct and restoring power to critical areas,” Muwwakkil told The Atlanta Journal-Constitution in an email. “Further evaluation is needed to determine the cause of the malfunction.”
Muwwakkil said that while crews are “working aggressively to restore operations,” the Nunn Center, which houses nearly 5,000 employees working for 21 federal agencies, will remain closed through Friday.
The new location and times for the hearings are at The Omni Hotel at CNN Center, North Tower, Level M4, 100 CNN Center, 190 Marietta St, NW, from July 29 and 30 beginning at 9 AM and running through 8 PM each day.
Most readers will be aware that a recent set of events has revived the ethics issues that have dogged Governor Nathan Deal since his 2010 campaign. I have not addressed this issue previously, because I didn’t want to just write my knee-jerk reaction at the time, so I took a self-imposed “cooling off” period to let the story develop before addressing it.
While on vacation in July 2012, state ethics commission director Holly LaBerge says she received a call from Ryan Teague, Deal’s chief counsel, and texts from chief of staff Chris Riley, according to the memo released by Attorney General Sam Olens’ office in response to an Open Records Act request.
LaBerge claims Teague said, “It was not in the agency’s best interest for these cases to go to a hearing … nor was it in their best political interest either.”
Days later, the commission voted during a public hearing to dismiss the major complaints against Deal, who agreed to pay $3,350 in fees for technical defects to his campaign disclosures. The complaints included claims Deal improperly paid for use of a private aircraft for campaign travel and questioned his use of campaign funds to pay legal fees during his 2010 campaign.
LaBerge’s allegations in the memo represent the first time she has claimed top aides to Deal personally pressured her to quietly settle the cases against the governor and to avoid a public hearing. Former commission Chairman Kevin Abernethy confirmed Monday that he asked LaBerge to draft the memo after she said she was contacted by Teague.
Two things stand out about the memo aside from its concents. First, it was not produced during litigation against former employees of the commission; second, that it is now produced in the context of Holly LaBerge claiming whistleblower protection.
[LaBerge's lawyer, Lee] Parks makes clear in the letter that LaBerge is seeking protections under the state whisteblower act.
I suspect that last bit means we can look forward to yet another private lawsuit against the state taxpayers.
The state has agreed to pay nearly $3 million to settle three lawsuits, and a threatened fourth, brought by former commission employees who claim they were fired or forced from office over the Deal investigation or its aftermath.
[T]he commission announced [in November 2013] that instead of asking Attorney General Sam Olens to appoint an outside attorney to investigate the agency, it was asking the state Department of Audits and Accounts to look into accusations about how the commission handled a case involving Gov. Nathan Deal.
Given the repeated inaction of the Commission and the State following her complaints, Ms. LaBerge felt compelled to provide the interview to the media in order to expose clear waste involved in the exorbitant settlement of these claims. Ms. LaBerge has acted appropriately throughout her tenure with the Commission and during its handling of the Deal Complaints. Yet she now is being isolated in her duties at the Commission and she appears to [be] the sole target of an unorthodox performance audit of the Commission that is focused on the Deal Complaints. We again remind you that Ms. LaBerge’s employment is protected by her whistleblowing actions and ask the Commission to act in accordance with the law moving forward.
So, her concern with waste, inefficiency, and alleged pressure from the Governor’s office didn’t warrant bringing to the public’s attention until she felt her job was threatened.
I’d like to bring to your attention an axiom that is useful when analyzing political or government issues. First is a variation on Occam’s Razor called Hanlon’s Razor, which states:
Never attribute to malice that which is adequately explained by stupidity.
Another way of saying it is to ask whether something is more likely the result of a secret government plot that can only be explained by advanced chess notation, or of bureaucratic incompetence aided and abetted by a CYA mentality.
The real problem that has gone unremarked upon in the context of the complaints against Governor Deal’s campaign is that there is no good reason that they should still have been pending two years after they were filed. It’s the inability of the Commission and Staff to develop a reporting system that works, and a means of reviewing complaints and efficiently dismissing the frivolous ones that turned the State Ethics Commission into a political football long before Nathan Deal started thinking about running for Governor.
Jim Galloway discussed how this works in a recent column, but hasn’t applied that analysis to lead him to ask why it took more than two years to dismiss complaints against Governor Deal that never alleged actual wrongdoing. Here’s what Jim wrote:
To you and me, ethics is a matter of right or wrong, good behavior or misbehavior. The topic is food for teachers and preachers, and is best served giraffe-high.
But in the goat-level language of the state Capitol, ethics is merely politics conducted by other means.
Got a beef with your opposition in the primary? File a complaint with what we once called the state ethics commission. Accuse him of fudging on donations he’s accepted or spent. It’ll earn you a headline, won’t cost a penny and will take years to resolve.
The problem is that everyone in politics in Georgia knows that is true – even a complaint that fails to allege wrongdoing over which the Commission has jurisdiction will sit and ferment for months or years, far longer than it takes to smear your political opponent with allegations of an ethics complaint.
he state ethics commission voted to dismiss the most serious allegations — that Deal benefited when his campaign paid for airfare on a plane that he partly owned and that he improperly used state campaign dollars to pay for legal fees related to a federal ethics investigation.
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported in September 2010 that Deal’s campaign had paid a company that he partly owned $135,000 for the use of an airplane. Rome-based ethics watchdog George Anderson later filed an ethics complaint that accused Deal of financially benefiting from campaign expenditures.
But the ethics commission unanimously said Monday that there was no probable cause to believe Deal violated the law that prohibits such a personal benefit.
But when we realize that the substantive complaints before the Commission had absolutely no substance and no grounds for being complaints, what we’re talking about is timing – the fact that when the communications took place, the Deal campaign had been under the cloud of “ethics complaints” that were frivolous for two years. It is of course understandable that when they saw light at the end of the tunnel – a hearing before the Commission at which they could argue for dismissal of the substantive complaints and the settlement on terms already agreed to for the technical filing mistakes – they became anxious to put the matters to rest.
Every good “creative nonfiction” story starts with a few facts – here the CYA memo and the text messages it detailed — and then imposes a narrative on it, using the facts to tell the story the author wishes to tell. That’s what has happened here. The AJC decided in 2010 that they wanted to tell a story about what a bad guy Nathan Deal is, and they’ve used whatever facts are convenient along the way to bolster, extend, and retell that story.
But what if the real story is about incompetence. The incompetence of an agency that tried to write and enforce rules for which it had no authority. An agency that is still to this day unable to engineer a working and stable disclosure system. An agency whose employees may have seen a few too many episodes of House of Cards and decide to emulate Frank Underwood instead of fixing the sytem over which they held responsibility. And now in the face of an audit, we get a “gotcha” CYA memo released only when the head of the agency fears for her job, accompanied by protestations that she’s become a whistleblower to fix the problem.
Which brings us to another axiom: every whistleblower plays their own tune.
Here’s my bottom line on this issue:
1. Four years after a complaint was filed, we are still talking about what happened with a complaint that ultimately had no merit and was so lacking that it was dismissed by the Commission in an open meeting.
2. After two years of suffering through endless criticism by the Atlanta Journal-Constitution over a baseless and meritless complaint, of course, Deal and his staff wanted the complaint to “go away.”
3. The way they made the complaint “go away” was by arguing in public, before the Commission, that it had no merit and should be dismissed. It keeps getting lost that the complaints were dismissed by a unanimous Commission.
4. Hanlon’s razor suggests that the reason it took so long to resolve the complaint was more likely a grossly dysfunctional state agency than some grand behind-the-scenes government plot.
On Friday, I was a guest on Georgia Public Broadcasting’s “Political Rewind,” at the end of which each guest is asked to make a prediction. I said, “If you like political polls, you’re going to love the next few weeks.” While we were in the studio, two different polls came across my email.
Nunn, the daughter of former Sen. Sam Nunn, is considered among the top Democratic recruits in the country and one of the best hopes for Democrats to keep control of the Senate for the last two years of Obama’s term. But Nunn could have a harder time running as an anti-Washington outsider against Perdue, who’s a political novice himself. She could also have a tougher time picking up moderate independents in the Atlanta suburbs in a race against a business republican like Perdue, who grew up in nearby Macon, than she would have in a race against Kingston, who hails from the more conservative Savannah area.
Republicans need to gain just six seats for the majority and cannot afford to lose the Georgia seat, which opened when Republican Sen. Saxby Chambliss announced his retirement. Georgia is one of only two states where Democrats have a chance to turn a red Senate seat blue in November.
One rare feature of the race is that neither of the major party candidates has held elective office before. From 1980 through 2012 there were only two elections like this. In the 2010 Utah election, neither Republican Mike Lee nor Democrat Sam Granato had held previous elective office. The same was true of Elizabeth Dole and Erskine Bowles in the 2002 North Carolina election. In both elections the inexperienced Republican beat the inexperienced Democrat. That certainly sets no precedent for the Republican in Georgia this year, David Perdue, who faces Michelle Nunn. But, other factors suggest that Perdue – the cousin of former Georgia governor Sonny Perdue – has some significant advantages over Nunn, the daughter of former U.S. senator Sam Nunn.
As John Sides has explained here and here, our Election Lab forecasts are based on a model of Senate election outcomes from 1980 to 2012 combined with polling results from the current cycle. Two factors from the model combine to weigh heavily in the Republicans’ favor in Georgia. First, with a Democratic president the midterm penalty (about 3 percentage points, on average) favors the Republicans and Perdue. Second, in recent presidential elections Georgia has been about 6 percentage points more Republican than the country overall, which our model suggests will translate into about 2 percentage points of the Senate vote for Perdue (compared to a state whose presidential vote mirrored the national vote). Together, then, these two factors give Perdue a significant head start. Obama’s low approval ratings and sluggish economic growth also help Perdue.
In Georgia this year, the Republican Senate candidates have out-raised Nunn by about 3 to 1. Based on our model this gives Perdue another boost of almost 4 percentage points compared to if the fundraising between the parties was even.
Our forecast also takes into account polling. In Georgia, as in many states, there have not been many polls and none since Tuesday’s Republican primary run-off. In fact, there have only been two public polls since May. In early June, Survey USA gave Perdue 53 percent of the two-candidate vote (that is, 53 percent among those with a preference for Perdue or Nunn). More recently, Public Policy Polling, a Democratic polling firm, had Nunn at 54 percent of the two-candidate vote. Overall, our polling average currently gives the advantage to Nunn.
At this point in the election cycle our forecast gives the model more weight than the polls. That’s why our forecast is more pessimistic for Nunn than the other ones tracked by the Upshot. Currently we give the Nunn just a 2 percent chance of winning.
ALBANY — As far as Darrel Ealum is concerned, the Georgia House District 153 election ended with Tuesday night with his four-plus point victory over incumbent Carol Fullerton. Fullerton, however, has not conceded the election.
##“I’m not happy with the way things turned out, but you never are when you lose an election,” said Fullerton, who said she wants to change the way absentee balloting is conducted. “We are still thinking of contesting the election and we are talking with an attorney on the best course of action.”
##With all 15 Dougherty County precincts in 153 Democratic Primary runoff reporting Tuesday, unofficial results had Fullerton with a 1,451-1,176 vote lead over Ealum in the hotly contested runoff.
##There were, however, still at least 2,081 early in-person and absentee mail-in votes to tabulate once the precincts reported to the Government Center, which were more than enough to keep the results in doubt. Of those, 1,352 were cast in the House 153 race. Once those votes were counted, Ealum leaped ahead for a 2,118-1,945 win.
##More specifically, Ealum crushed Fullerton 512-130 in absentee mail-in ballot voting, providing his margin of victory. He also had a 52-vote margin advantage in the 710 in-person votes cast during the early voting period.
##“I don’t know if or we will file, but the legal process takes time,” Fullerton said. “If we do this, we will do it for the good of Dougherty County. I want to change the way absentee balloting is conducted in Dougherty County forever.”
MARIETTA — The dust has settled, and the winners of the runoff elections have been crowned. So why did the elections shake out the way they did?
Political experts in Cobb pointed to a variety of factors, including name recognition, endorsements and a strong ground game, as the reason some candidates succeed while others did not.
Some pundits predicted the results of the race for a seat on the Cobb Board of Education, but were surprised by how one-sided the election was as Susan Thayer defeated incumbent Tim Stultz by a significant margin; Thayer received 3,030 votes, or 70 percent, while Stultz took home only 1,271, or 30 percent.
“We thought all along she would win,” said Tana Page, executive director of the Georgia teacher’s organization Educators First. “We were rather surprised at the margin … that she won by.”
Page added the results show voters overwhelmingly want new representation.
“She is a fresh face on the board, and I think that was what the public wanted and what educators probably wanted,” she said. “We were ready for a change. We did not think Mr. Stultz … was open to hearing a lot of the concerns that are faced by educators.”
Anthony-Scott Hobbs, former chairman of the Cobb GOP, said the school board race was decided by financial issues.
“Let’s be honest, Tim didn’t have any money. None. I can only imagine that Thayer was able … to get out some direct marketing campaigns, some direct mail, what have you,” he said. “But I think once again, what it comes down to that kind of a vote spread, it all boils to down to how the campaign is run.”
CUMBERLAND — The Cumberland Community Improvement District spent much of its Thursday meeting allocating money to beautify the area.
The board, which is chaired by Tad Leithead, talked about spending an extra $1.5 to $5 million on the diverging diamond interchange at Windy Hill Road over Interstate 75. Peter Drey, a representative of Montreal-based DE Design and Environment Consultancy, presented bridgescape plans for the bridge running over I-75.
The CID paid the company $85,000 to plan the intersection.
The proposed interchange would switch lanes to opposite sides of the road without stopping, alleviating the need for a left-turn signal for motorists entering the interstate. After the interchange, lanes return to their original sides of the road.